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Crisis in Zimbabwe
I. The Situation in Zimbabwe II. Extreme Post-Election Violence
III. Regional and International Response: Access Denied for Aid and Investigative Groups
IV. Invoking RtoP in Zimbabwe: The Debate
V. Political Compromise and Post-Conflict Zimbabwe I. Violence, Corruption and Disease: Zimbabwe Since 2000
Since 2000, state security forces in Zimbabwe have committed acts of violence, including imprisonment in violation of international law, enforced disappearance, murder, torture, and rape, against thousands of civilians, targeting primarily political opponents and aid workers. In addition, President Robert Mugabe’s national policies have led to a severe economic collapse and grave failure of the national health system.
Failed monetary policies, currency devaluations, corruption, and a land seizure policy that devastated Zimbabwe’s once thriving agricultural sector have led to an economic crash that left 80% of the population unemployed and hyper-inflation at approximately 231 million percent. In particular, the land seizure policy transferred thriving farmland from competent farmers to Mugabe supporters, simultaneously displacing over one million civilians and allowing the farms to fail. This has also resulted in a resource crisis, leaving much of the country without welfare, food, or the ability to afford healthcare. A widespread emigration of medical personnel from the country, failure of sanitation infrastructure, and near universal poverty has fueled an increase in mortality and disease.
The cholera epidemic, which began in August 2007, left approximately 4,000 dead and 90,000 gravely ill with limited access to medical care or humanitarian aid, and with a threat that the disease would spread in the region. Human Rights Watch identified the crisis’ “simple cause:” “the ruling ZANU-PF leadership's diversion of resources away from basic public health towards sustaining its illegitimate rule, personal enrichment and oppressing its MDC opponents.”
Dwindling confidence in Mugabe among other political parties and even within his own party, ZANU-PF, resulted in a crackdown on any opposition. International concern over Mugabe’s policies led the Heads of States in the Southern African Development Community in March 2007 to charge South African President Thabo Mbeki with mediating the political crisis.
II. Extreme 2008 Post-Election Violence
Prior to the run-off presidential election in June, the security services and ZANU-PF militia unleashed a campaign of intimidation, torture and murder against opposition activists, journalists, polling agents, public servants, civic leaders and ordinary citizens suspected of voting for the opposition party, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). The violence came to a climax when, after losing the March 2008 presidential election, President Mugabe carried out widespread state-sponsored violence and terror. Torture, beatings, mutilations, murder, rape, land seizures and forced displacement, enforced disappearances, deprivation of access to food, and summary executions were perpetrated against leaders and supporters of the opposition. Even after Mugabe won the sham June runoff election, routine and arbitrary arrest and detentions and enforced disappearances have continued, as the ZANU-PF “uses repression to back its dubious claim to power.”
III. Regional and International Responses to the Crisis
Civil Society Responds
Civil society groups immediately and strongly condemned the violence President Mugabe inflicted on the Zimbabwean population, and began discussing the applicability of RtoP. On 21 April 2008, a coalition of 105 representatives from civil society, including human rights activists, faith groups, and students in Africa wrote a communiqué, which included a discussion of the applicability of RtoP, and called for a concerned and effective response by the international community to guarantee effective aid delivery and livelihoods to the Zimbabwean people. Activists within Zimbabwe also denounced Mugabe’s rule, at great personal risk, and disseminated information on how pronounced the crisis was.
The Elders, a group of renowned older human rights activists, organized a fact-finding mission to Zimbabwe, in early December 2008, to commission a report that was to be presented to the UN Security Council. The group however, composed of former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, human rights activist and wife of Nelson Mandela, Graca Machel, and former U.S. President Jimmy Carter, had their visas denied by Zimbabwean authorities, preventing civil society and the international community from investigating or interfering with the mass human rights abuses and systematic repression in the country.
Regional Responses
The Regional response was minimal and inadequate. Across the continent, Heads of State and governments have condemned Mugabe’s regime and called for him to step down in order to end the suffering in Zimbabwe. However, the AU did not question Mugabe's right to assume Zimbabwe's seat at the AU summit in Egypt from June 30 to July 1, 2008, leading to strong criticism of the AU for allowing Mugabe to take his seat. The AU has condemned the post-election violence, albeit not in a timely way, and deferred the situation to the South African Development Community (SADC).
SADC’s response to the crisis has been widely criticized, with civil society groups and leaders within SADC denouncing its lack of reaction and involvement. SADC’s strategy has consisted of quiet diplomacy, including mediation efforts led by South African President Thebo Mbeki, which, unfortunately, has yet to yield any influence in the power sharing talks between the ZANU-PF and the MDC.
The International Community
The UN has been monitoring the deterioration of the country over the past decade, but has failed to undertake measures that effectively address the latest mass human rights violations and violence occurring in Zimbabwe. On 16 April 2008, the President of the European Union (EU) issued a declaration on behalf of the EU expressing its deep concern about the deteriorating situation in the field of human rights and increasing reports of violent incidents. Furthermore, on 26 January 2009, the President decided to extend sanctions on Mugabe and his top aides for their ongoing failure to address the most basic economic and social needs of its people.
IV. Invoking RtoP in Zimbabwe: The Debate
While the severity of the crimes surrounding the 2008 elections was uncontested, there was debate among scholars and supporters of the RtoP norm as to whether the crimes committed by Mugabe against opponents and human rights activists were crimes against humanity that met the RtoP threshold. Similarly, there were questions as to whether wider socio-political issues, including the policy recklessness involved in Mugabe’s destruction of the economy and health system, constituted RtoP crimes. Others doubted whether invoking the RtoP at the time would have had a significant impact considering the limited political will of regional and foreign states to commit to any significant preventive or reactive measure. Nonetheless, calls for more effective sanctions, diplomatic pressure, and a stronger role for SADC and South Africa pointed to the need to prevent crimes in Zimbabwe from continuing or escalating. One of the recommendations that came out of our April 2008 regional NGO roundtable on RtoP in South Africa was that further analysis is necessary on how RtoP relates to the human rights violations in Zimbabwe and the nature of the crimes surrounding the elections. Click here to see more on these consultations.
5. Political Compromise and Post-Conflict Zimbabwe
In September 2008, President Mugabe and both heads of the MDC factions, Morgan Tsvangirai (now Zimbabwe’s Prime Minister) and Arthur Mutambara, signed the Global Political Agreement. South African President Thebo Mbeki became the guarantor of this agreement, which came into effect in February 2009 and established a unity government.
Unfortunately, even a year after the GPA came into effect, the situation in Zimbabwe remains dangerous. While there is greater access to schools and hospitals, the rule of law has suffered as ZANU-PF continues to inflict violence against MDC supporters and other political opponents. Many political reforms under the GPA have not been implemented, including the adoption of a new constitution. Civil liberties and the freedom of the media also have continued to be subject to discriminatory policies.
Zimbabwe must continue to work to address poverty, healthcare, development, and civil liberties, but these broader grievances are beyond the scope of RtoP. However, political reforms will be necessary to ensure a stable government structure exists with the capacity to prevent further mass atrocity. The situation undoubtedly requires further monitoring.
For further analysis on the political situation in Zimbabwe:
Zimbabwe: Political and Security Challenges to the Transition, International Crisis Group (March 2010
A Call to Action: Crisis in Zimbabwe, Human Rights Watch (August 2007)
The Effects of Fighting Repression with Love, Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) (March 2008)
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